Antisemitism
in Czechia

The Jewish minority in the Czech Republic is relatively small; there are academic debates regarding its exact definition and size, whether based on religion or ethnicity. The minority is guaranteed a range of rights and freedoms in line with European standards. Antisemitism in the Czech Republic today is generally less widespread than in other parts of Central and Eastern Europe; nevertheless, it continues to pose a latent security threat.

It draws in part on long-standing traditions of various forms of antisemitism in the Czech lands, and in part adopts contemporary narratives from the global context. In addition to historical currents of pan-Slavic antisemitism, neo-Nazi groups and individuals, and the legacy of communist anti-Zionism (which mostly merely masked antisemitic stereotypes), recent decades have also seen the rise of Islamist antisemitism and the anti-Zionism of the so-called “New Left” (which, however, often contains more or less hidden antisemitic attitudes). The internet and the rise of new social media platforms have significantly contributed to the increase in antisemitic expressions, a trend that accelerated during the COVID-19 pandemic (which was linked to various antisemitic conspiracy theories, such as those regarding financial gains from vaccination). Since October 2023, the conflict between Israel and its enemies has dominated the formulation of antisemitic narratives. Hatred of Israel has also manifested in attacks on the Jewish community in the Czech Republic.

Antisemitic speech can be identified primarily in the spread of hateful statements and conspiracy theories on the internet. However, violent threats also originate from the online space, and it is there that plans for antisemitic actions in the physical world are hatched. Outside the online sphere, verbal attacks, antisemitic graffiti and stickers, and symbolic damage to Jewish properties are also prevalent. However, there have also been cases of planning and attempts to carry out serious attacks against both property and people. The danger is further heightened by the transnational interconnectedness of the antisemitic scene, which is again particularly evident in the digital environment but also has repercussions in the physical world, both in the Czech Republic and abroad. 

Terezín is a key site of Holocaust memory in Central Europe. Once a fortress town, it became a ghetto and transit camp where Jewish people from across the region were imprisoned and deported during the Second World War. The video reflects on the importance of remembrance, education, and historical truth. Through the spaces of Terezín, archival materials, and educational visits, it shows how the history of antisemitism remains connected to the present — especially in the face of denial, distortion, and contemporary forms of hatred.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND POSTWAR CONTROVERSIES

Jewish history in the Czech lands dates back more than a thousand years. It has been an integral part of shaping the character of the region. Prague, in particular, became one of the most influential Jewish centers in Europe. However, at various times, the Jewish population faced, to a greater or lesser extent, exclusion, discrimination, and occasional brutal escalations of violence against them. From the late 19th century onward, traditional forms of antisemitism—which were primarily religiously motivated—were succeeded by new forms linked to the rise of both Czech and German nationalism (though these nationalisms were hostile toward one another, they identified a common enemy in the Jews). Although Jewish and Zionist groups enjoyed relatively strong political support during the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1918 to 1938, the antisemitic spectrum was also visible and hateful.

Antisemitic tendencies began to intensify in the so-called Second Republic at the turn of 1938–1939 and were also evident in the occupied border regions (e.g., during the so-called Kristallnacht in November 1938 in the Sudetenland). A tragic escalation occurred following the occupation of the Czech lands in 1939. In the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and in the occupied border regions, Jews were systematically stripped of their rights, expropriated, deported, and murdered. Terezín (in German, Theresienstadt) played a significant role. A ghetto was established in the fortress there, through which Jews were sent to extermination camps; however, many perished directly in Terezín. The Nazis did not shy away from staging, for propaganda purposes, a supposedly happy life for Jews in this ghetto. During the war, approximately 80,000 Jews from the Czech lands were exterminated (though figures vary), and thousands more emigrated just before or during the war. A large wave of emigration to Israel followed the war. This led to a fundamental transformation of the Jewish presence, as this minority became much less visible—both demographically and culturally—than it had been previously.

Even after 1945, however, Jews—including those returning from concentration camps—faced various forms of prejudice and a reluctance to return their confiscated property. Fortunately, however, there were no anti-Jewish pogroms at that time, as had occurred in some other countries of Central and Eastern Europe.  Czechoslovakia’s temporary assistance to Israel during and after its establishment did not lead to long-term improvement. After the Communists seized power in 1948, rhetoric that outwardly employed anti-Zionist narratives was used to spread antisemitism. This pattern was repeated in campaigns after 1967, when diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel were severed. A specific politics of memory regarding the Holocaust selectively emphasized the role of Communist anti-fascism while neglecting the broader context of the Jewish Holocaust. It is a fact, however, that the “real socialism” regime did intervene against openly antisemitic outbursts—for example, those by young neo-Nazi groups—even as it sought to shift the blame for such attitudes among youth onto influences from the West.

MEMORY, RESPONSIBILITY, AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE

After the fall of communism in 1989, new opportunities arose for the Jewish minority to thrive and for the commemoration of Jewish history and culture in the Czech lands. A large portion of the political leadership has supported and continues to support relations with Israel as well as the rights of the Jewish minority in the Czech Republic, including property restitution to Jewish organizations. Expressions of philo-Semitism are also emerging among the public, including young people.

However, the free environment has also allowed for a rise in antisemitism, which in the 1990s was mainly associated with conspiracy circles surrounding antisemitic periodicals and neo-Nazi and neo-fascist skinheads. Later, it took on more sophisticated forms. Global Islamist antisemitism and “New Left” antisemitism are also evident in the Czech Republic.  

The fight against antisemitism is an important part of building a resilient democracy. The Jewish minority—though small in number—is itself actively involved in protecting its own rights and ensuring a dignified life. This includes historical memory, such as respect for the victims and survivors of the Holocaust. Various aspects of this are addressed in the government’s Strategy for Combating Antisemitism in the Czech Republic for 2025–2030.

MISINFORMATION & DISINFORMATION

“Jews secretly control governments, banks, and the media.”

A classic conspiracy narrative reframed as “global elites” or “hidden networks,” often pushed through memes, influencer clips, and “follow the money” threads. Disinformation accounts stitch unrelated facts into a single plot, implying Jews as the coordinating force behind democracy, capitalism, migration, or “the EU.” It launders antisemitism through coded language

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(“bankers,” “Soros,” “Rothschilds”), making it harder to moderate while keeping the same scapegoating logic.

“Zionists run a ‘shadow government’ and must be resisted.”

This extremist trope recasts democratic institutions as occupied by Jews, portraying violence as “self-defence.” It spreads in fringe forums and cross-platform repost chains, then re-enters mainstream spaces as ironic slang or “anti-globalist” content. Disinformation tactics include selective screenshots, fake “leaked” documents, and mislabelled symbols to imply secret

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Jewish command structures—turning political anger into an antisemitic worldview.

“The Protocols’ prove the Jewish plan to dominate the world.”

A known antisemitic forgery entitled ‘The Protocols of the Elders of Zion’, which fuelled the rise of antisemitism in Nazi Germany and Imperial Russia, is often repackaged as “suppressed history,” circulated via PDFs, subtitled videos, and “thread” summaries. Disinformation communities claim censorship as proof of truth, then connect the text to modern events (wars, markets, pandemics).

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The manipulation lies in presenting a fabricated document as documentary evidence, and in using its storyline as a template to interpret any crisis as Jewish orchestration.

“Jews serve Israel over their home country.”

This narrative frames Jewish civic participation as suspect, often triggered by Middle East escalations. It spreads through “security” talk, loyalty tests, and insinuations about dual passports or “foreign influence.” Misinformation filters include cherry-picked examples of individual Jewish voices, then generalising them to all Jews. The move is rhetorical: it turns ordinary pluralism into “betrayal,” legitimising exclusion from public life and harassment.

Holocaust denial and relativisation

Denial content – that the Holocaust is exaggerated, invented, or ‘just history wars’ – circulates via “debunking” videos, fake statistics, and misused archival images, often paired with claims that remembrance is a Jewish power tool. Disinformation techniques include quote-mining historians, mistranslating documents, and presenting fringe “research” as scholarly debate. Even when framed as “questions,”

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the aim is to erode shared factual ground and normalise antisemitic hostility by delegitimising Jewish trauma.

Blood libel: “Jews harm children or traffic organs.”

A medieval trope is modernised into claims about kidnapping rings, organ theft, or ritual harm – now spread via sensational “warning” posts and manipulated photos. Disinformation accounts exploit moral panic mechanics: urgent language, anonymous “insiders,” and calls to “protect children.” Filtering narratives detach the accusation from Jews explicitly – naming “Zionists” or “globalists” – while keeping the same allegation of inherently murderous Jewish nature.

The ‘Israel are Nazis’ heuristic

This appears as political commentary but functions as disinformation when it acts as a shortcut for the scapegoating of Jewish people or collapses history into a provocation that denies Jewish self-understanding and erases Nazi genocide. It spreads through viral comparison images and sloganised moral equivalence, often during conflict spikes. The key mechanism is ‘frame hijacking’, using Holocaust language to delegitimise Jewish identity and community safety, not to analyse policy.

“Jews created or profit from crises to reshape society.”

A flexible conspiracy container: any socioeconomic shock – for example, COVID, wars, migration – becomes evidence of a Jewish plot. Disinformation channels remix real anxieties with fabricated causality and scapegoats. Common tactics include forged “plans,” fake charts, and misattributed quotes, then amplification by coordinated networks. The narrative survives fact-checks because it constantly mutates – swapping actors and slogans while preserving the core antisemitic blame.

EXPLORE THE HISTORY OF ANTISEMITISM IN Czechia

2004 – 2024

EU ACCESSION & MEMBERSHIP

Following the Czech Republic’s accession to the European Union in 2004, antisemitism continued to evolve within an increasingly interconnected and digitalised environment. While overt neo-Nazi mobilisation peaked in the late 2000s and early 2010s, this period was characterised by the adaptation and diversification of antisemitic expression, rather than its decline. Organised far-right networks became more sophisticated in their coordination, staging symbolic actions and demonstrations—often targeting Jewish spaces—while also maintaining transnational links with like-minded groups across Europe and beyond.

At the same time, antisemitism expanded beyond traditional neo-Nazi subcultures into new ideological and communicative spaces. Islamist extremist narratives, though limited in scale compared to Western Europe, appeared alongside far-right conspiracy frameworks, particularly in online environments. Across the 2010s and early 2020s, antisemitic discourse increasingly merged with reactions to contemporary crises—including migration, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the war in Ukraine—embedding older tropes within new political narratives. This period also saw a marked rise in online radicalisation, particularly among younger individuals, contributing to both the spread of antisemitic propaganda and the emergence of isolated or small-group plots involving violence. Despite law enforcement interventions, antisemitism persisted as a fluid and adaptive phenomenon, capable of shifting across ideological, social, and technological contexts. Ever since the escalation of conflicts in the first and second decades of the 21st century, elements of antisemitism disguised as anti-Zionism have emerged in connection with the armed conflicts in the Middle East. This then escalated following the events of October 7, 2023, and Israel’s subsequent retaliation.  

1989 – 2004

DEMOCRATISATION & TRANSITION

The collapse of the communist regime in 1989 transformed the political and social landscape of Czechoslovakia, removing state controls over expression while reintroducing pluralism into public life. Within this newly open environment, antisemitism re-emerged not as state policy, but as a fragmented and decentralised phenomenon, expressed through extremist subcultures, conspiracy-driven media, and sporadic acts of violence. While official state policy was broadly supportive of Jewish communities and diplomatic relations with Israel were restored, parts of society reacted negatively, drawing on older antisemitic tropes as well as newly imported ideological influences.

Throughout the 1990s, antisemitism was primarily carried by far-right networks and subcultural movements, particularly neo-Nazi skinhead groups, which combined historical references to the Nazi period with contemporary conspiracy narratives such as the so-called “Zionist Occupation Government.” This period saw the emergence of antisemitic print media, zines, and early online propaganda, alongside physical attacks on Jewish individuals, places of worship, and cemeteries. At the same time, antisemitic discourse became increasingly interconnected with other forms of hatred, particularly anti-Roma racism and narratives linked to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Although law enforcement and courts occasionally responded through prosecutions, the persistence of incidents demonstrated the continued presence of antisemitism as a latent but mobilisable element within parts of Czech society, adapting to new political freedoms and communication channels in the post-communist era.

1945 – 1989

AUTHORITARIANISM & SURVEILLANCE

The defeat of Nazism did not bring an end to antisemitism in the Czech lands. Jewish survivors returning after 1945 often encountered bureaucratic obstruction, social resentment, and renewed injustice, particularly in efforts to reclaim confiscated property. Although post-war decrees formally annulled Nazi-era dispossession, their implementation frequently favoured wartime occupants, while some officials accused Jews of collaboration to justify retention of property. Public incidents in the late 1940s—including antisemitic hostility at public events and the suicide of war veteran Ejsik Weiss following hostile political rhetoric—demonstrated that antisemitism persisted beneath the language of antifascist reconstruction, even in the immediate aftermath of genocide.

Following the communist takeover in 1948, antisemitism was reshaped rather than eliminated. Open hostility gave way to state-led “anti-Zionism,” which portrayed Jewish identity as politically suspect and aligned it with foreign influence. Zionist organisations were dissolved, Jewish citizens were monitored under long-term surveillance programmes, and antisemitic stereotypes surfaced in show trials, propaganda, and diplomatic conflicts, particularly after 1967. Anonymous threats, cemetery vandalism, and the emergence of neo-Nazi youth groups in the 1980s revealed how antisemitism endured both within state structures and on the social margins. By 1989, Jewish life in Czechia had been profoundly shaped by decades of silencing, suspicion, and selective memory—illustrating how antisemitism can persist through bureaucratic practice and ideological distortion even in a state that defined itself as antifascist.

Source: Terezínská štafeta / commons.wikimedia.orgCC BY-SA 3.0

1939 – 1945

WAR & GENOCIDE

The Nazi occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939 brought the Jewish population under the full weight of German racial legislation. The newly created Protectorate became a laboratory for applying the Nuremberg Laws beyond Germany’s borders: Jews were stripped of citizenship rights, registered and marked, excluded from economic life, banned from public spaces, and subjected to escalating restrictions on movement, residence and livelihood. Aryanisation dispossessed tens of thousands, while “emigration” offices coerced families into surrendering assets before forcing them out. These measures, implemented jointly by German authorities and compliant Protectorate institutions, created a social environment in which antisemitism was normalised and Jewish presence treated as a problem to be managed, controlled and ultimately removed.

From late 1941, antisemitic policy transformed into organised annihilation. The first deportations to ghettos in Łódź and Minsk marked the shift to systematic removal. Theresienstadt—established as both ghetto and transit camp—became the central mechanism of Nazi persecution in the Czech lands, combining starvation, disease, and brutal overcrowding with constant onward transports to extermination sites. More than thirty thousand Jews died within Theresienstadt’s walls; tens of thousands more were deported to Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and other concentration camps and ghettos in the East. Even as genocide progressed, Theresienstadt was cynically used for propaganda, presenting a staged façade of “humane” treatment to international observers. In the war’s final months, evacuation transports, new deportations of Jews from mixed marriages, and a typhus epidemic deepened the suffering. When the Red Army liberated Theresienstadt on 8 May 1945, the Jewish communities of Bohemia and Moravia had been almost entirely destroyed—victims of a system that combined legal discrimination, economic plunder, forced segregation, and industrialised murder into a single, relentless programme of antisemitic persecution.

Source: The Theresienstadt Centre for Genocide Studies

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